Cuban Solidarity and Disaster Response
by August Nimtz
August Nimtz is Professor of Political Science at the University of Minnesota and the author of
Marx, Tocqueville, and Race in America (2003). A more detailed version of the argument presented
here can be found in “Natural versus Social Phenomena: Cuba and the Lessons of Katrina” (The
Black Scholar, 2006, 36 [4]).
How is it that an underdeveloped country that is incessantly alleged to be
under a dictatorship can do a far better job of saving the lives of its citizens
when a hurricane strikes than a rich country with all the trappings of liberal
democracy? The aftermath of Hurricane Katrina demonstrates that this is not
just an interesting academic question but a matter of life and death. Even
before then, international bodies such as the United Nations and the
International Red Cross often cited Cuba for its exemplary practices in dealing
with hurricanes. Measured in terms of preparation, loss of lives, and recovery,
the differences between Cuba and the United States Gulf Coast persist. Even
in the 2008 season, when Cuba was assaulted by the most powerful hurricanes
on record, it experienced the loss of only five lives.
Opponents of the Cuban Revolution claim that its government can be more
effective because it is more hierarchically organized and more intrusive than
liberal governments. Cuba is indeed a disciplined, organized, and well-armed
society (and for good reason, given Washington’s almost 50 years of hostility),
but the fact is that while evacuations for hurricanes are mandatory, the
authorities cannot force citizens to do so. More than simply its organization to
defend itself, Cuba’s most essential feature is the presence and reproduction
of human solidarity. This explains why Cuba, as an underdeveloped society,
lacking many of the material resources available in the United States, can do
a far better job of educating and meeting the health needs of its citizens—as
well as those in other countries—than its far wealthier neighbor to the north.
What so distinguishes Cuba from the United States is that its citizens have
a political system that represents and acts on behalf of the working-class
majority—in other words, substantive democracy. If some of the forms of
liberal democracy, especially competitive multiparty elections, are absent in
Cuba, the substance of democracy—outcomes that serve the interests of the
majority—is in place, as measured by the life-and-death consequences of
governmental action. Its limitations notwithstanding, government in Cuba
has proven to be far more responsive when it comes to protecting the lives of
its citizens than that of the United States. Cubans have a government that
actively organizes solidarity.
The Cuban case therefore challenges standard liberal notions of democracy
and human rights. Because Cuba lacks the trappings of liberal or, more
accurate, bourgeois democracy, it does not neatly fit into such analyses. To the
extent that conventional comparative analysis of democracy and human
rights even considers Cuba, the island is seen as an outlier or, in some cases,
an outlier of outliers. The Cuban experience makes the case for a class-analytic
perspective on the question of democracy—for the need to examine whose
class interests are served by the state and the government. This perspective
reveals that the Cuban working-class did what their counterparts to the north
have yet to do; they took power out of the hands of the tiny capitalist class and
consciously exercise it on their own behalf. This fact, more than any other,
explains why hurricanes have enormously different outcomes in two societies
separated by only 90 miles of sea but worlds apart socially and politically. As
another hurricane, the current economic crisis, assaults the entire globe, I
confidently predict that workers will fare better in Cuba than workers in
countries where the rule of capital is in place.
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 165, Vol. 36 No. 2, March 2009 133-134
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X09331815
© 2009 Latin American Perspectives
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